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Neither China, nor the United States - the French vision of Great Power Europe
Az új világrend kialakulása (ed. Attila Ágh)
01 févr, 2022


 
France and NATO: a paradox-filled relationship
A jelenkori Franciaország (szerk: Türke András István), L'Harmattan, 2021
20 nov, 2021


 
Who "needs NATO" more? France or... the United States?
Pour un ordre international différent. Une grande ambition pour la France et l'Europe (dir. Cercle de Réflexion Interarmées)
01 févr, 2021


Customary of smashing statements that might not necessarily be supported by the facts, President Donald Trump placed two at once at the Alliance summit in December 2019, during a press conference: “Nobody needs NATO more than France (...) frankly, the one that benefits the least is the United States.” Two utter nonsense that deserve to be looked at more closely.

Falling between two stools? European security between the EU and NATO
Változó világrend (szerk. Káncz Csaba)
24 nov, 2020


 
The Transatlantic Dimension of British Euroscepticism
The UK Challenge to Europeanization (ed. K. Tournier-Sol - C. Gifford)
16 sept, 2015


An avant-garde to preserve and enhance European sovereignty
Pour une Europe européenne (ed. H. de Grossouvre)
14 sept, 2007


The European avant-garde has a sense and a legitimacy only if it is inspired by a strategic vision, aiming to the reinforcement of all the aspects of European sovereignty. Only such a project will be able to contribute to the safeguarding of a "certain idea of Europe": that of a fully-fledged geopolitical actor able to guarantee our security, to promote our values and our interests and to defend our economic, social, environmental and cultural model.

The EU today: diagnostic and scenarios
Európai Unióról és oktatásáról (ed. O. Szabolcs)
13 mai, 2006


The process of European integration is, without any doubt, the most significant political innovation of the last half-century. Born out of the feeling of necessity, it has been guided by the hope that the construction of a community between European countries may eventually pave the way for the organization of tomorrow’s world. However, our subject here is not to dwell on how brilliant, necessary and promising the project is. In fact, the credibility and legitimacy of the European process today are weakened both inside and outside, in particular by the gulf between rhetoric and reality.

Towards the demystification of the transatlantic relationship
A transzatlanti vita (ed. H. Vincze)
04 mai, 2006


Euro-American relations are periodically tarnished by so-called "misunderstandings", verbal skirmishes, diplomatic incidents and other manifestations of mutual distrust that seem to rise out of nowhere, literally from one day to the next. Their perception is actually dramatized by the fact that they emerge from under the cover of what is presented as an impeccable relationship, based on a much-touted community of values and interests. This contradiction increases the risk of visceral reactions on both sides of the Atlantic: anti-Americanism in Europe and Europe-bashing in the United States.

At the watershed of two epochs
Magyar-francia kapcsolatok 1945-1990 (G. Kecskés)
20 mars, 2006


Commentary on a document related to the visit in Budapest of Commission President Jacques Delors and French Minister of Foreign Affairs Roland Dumas, 16-17 November 1989. 
The prospects of a common European strategic culture
Az EU biztonság- és védelempolitikai dokumentumai 3 (ed. J. Takács - P. Tálas - H. Vincze)
01 déc, 2005


The present study begins by examining the concept of "strategic culture", before attempting to take stock of the numerous dividing lines between the EU’s Member States in this field. To conclude, it focuses on the forces which allow or prevent from overcoming these divergences. By underlining all along that the real question does not relate to the feasibility of a possible synthesis, but rather to its substance. In other words, the question is to know whether a common European security culture could ever have any meaningful strategic dimension. 

Some Theoretical-Practical Aspects of European Security and Defence Policy
Az EU biztonság- és védelempolitikai dokumentumai 2 (ed. L. Póti - P. Tálas)
01 avril, 2005


The concept of strategic, political, operational and industrial-technological autonomy lies at the heart of the connection linking together the substantial-existential and practical-implementational aspects of ESDP.

The Defence Model of the European Union in light of New Challenges
Security under Global Pressure (ed. I. Tarróssy)
01 mars, 2005


The paper starts by defining the main criteria of what can be called the European Security Model, and then examines the role qnd pertinence of this latter in the fight against terrorism.

France: From Great Power Illusions to the Europeanization of ambitions
Nemzeti identitás és külpolitika az euroatlanti térségben (ed. L. J. Kiss)
01 janv, 2005


France and the War in Iraq: the Anatomy of a Crisis Management Carried Out with Cartesian Logic
Irak- háborúra ítélve (L. Andor - P. Tálas - L. Valki)
01 mars, 2004


In-depth analysis of the French position preceding the outbreak of the war in Iraq.
The European Union’s Security and Defence Policy under the double constraint of transatlantic relations and integration dilemmas
Az EU biztonság- és védelempolitikai dokumentumai 1 (ed. L. Póti - T. Péter - H. Vincze)
01 mars, 2004


A three-level dividing line is to be found at the root of the European foreign, security and defence policy’s deep contradictions. Member States range on one or the other side based upon their position regarding the content of integration, the transatlantic relations and the desirable shape of future international order (including Europe’s place and role within it).

A Stronger Military Role for the EU in the Balkans?
Unraveling the European Security and Defense Policy Conundrum (ed. J. Krause - A. Wenger - L. Watanabe)
01 janv, 2003


The necessity for the European Union (EU) to play a more assertive role in the Balkans is on the agenda now more than ever. In fact, after the events of 11 September 2001, the withdrawal of the bulk of the US troops from the region and their replacement by European contingents is, for the first time, considered as a politically feasible (and militarily sensible) option. At the same time, the EU’s evolving defense policy has been declared “operational” at the Laeken summit in December 2001,[1] with all the related institutions in place and with the Western European Union’s (WEU) crisis management capabilities and functions transferred to the EU. The EU is therefore theoretically the actor that is most competent to play a military role (in addition to other, more traditional aspects of EU crisis management) in the neighboring Balkan region.

The European Union’s response to the events of September 11
Válaszok a terrorizmusra (ed. P. Tálas)
11 sept, 2002


Specificities of the EU’s situation and reaction Responses by sphere of activity Justice and Home Affairs Diplomacy and common foreign, security and defence policy Humanitarian assistance Air traffic safety Economic and financial measures Civil protection Long-term tendencies Collective defence Institutional flexibility Inter-pillars fusion Widening and deepening Mediterranean dimension Sustainable globalisation

The priorities of France's European policy
A francia Európa-politika prioritásai
22 déc, 2000


News Briefs
Radio interview on NATO and the EU

 
One year into the war in Ukraine: the list of my writings on the subject

Have a good reading!
Radio interview on Europe, the EU, the war in Ukraine

 
Radio interview the day after the French presidential election

 
Radio interview about political-military developments in Europe

 
On the privatisation of military activities

 
On information wars

A couple of thoughts, quoted in Boris...
On the US presidential election's possible impact on Europe

A few thoughts about the possible impact of the upcoming U.S. elections on transatlantic relations,...
Belgian Parliament nearly puts an end to the stationing of US nuclear bombs

 
EU Seat on the UNSC? A False Good Idea: Attractive but Counterproductive

It would be desirable to see Europe “speaking with one voice”...






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