Webinar, in English, on transatlantic relations. Debate moderated by István Hegedűs, with Charles A. Kupchan, Thibault Muzergues and Veronica Anghel. The video is available at this link.

There is no doubt about Western liberalism undergoing a two-front attack: challenged from the outside, through the rise of authoritarian regimes, as well as from the inside due to the spread of so-called populism. It would certainly be comfortable to think of these as objective developments, mostly out of our control – evil forces at play. In reality, no adequate response is possible, or even imaginable, without first acknowledging our own responsibility in the current state of affairs. Especially in Europe, where we consistently have made ourselves weak and thereby put our Union, our countries and our citizens at the mercy of these “evil forces”.

President Trump's recent announcemet that nearly 12, 000 U.S. Troops will be redeployed was both an expected and surprising product of a mixture of leadership personalities, electoral politics and strategic calculations. What does it all mean for American and European security? A trio of FPRI scholars - Ronald Granieri, David S. Maxwell and Hajnalka Vincze - discuss the President's decision, as we consider its probable causes and possible long-term effects on American-German relations, NATO, and broader U.S. strategy.

"For the next five years, on the domestic front, the main challenge will be the feeling of alienation of a large majority of the French population. This comes both from the divide between globalization’s winners and losers, and from what is widely perceived as an increasingly assertive presence of Islam. On the European front, there is an unprecedented window of opportunity for the protective, strategic, autonomous EU project France has always advocated, but the key to achieve this still resides in the implementation of the multispeed model."

In the light of recent terrorist attacks in Europe, the controversy about how to strike the appropriate balance between “the fight against terrorism” and the upholding of human rights, might well return to the forefront of attention. The European Union and its Member States are the United States’ closest allies, and the cooperation extends well beyond the traditional NATO framework, deep into counter-terrorism, both on a bilateral and multilateral basis. At the same time, Europe has been resolutely and consistently skeptical as to the course of action taken by the USA in the aftermath of 9/11.

Should the SNP’s (Scottish National Party) anti-nuclear stance be a problem for an independent Scotland eager to keep its membership card in NATO ?* In short, not really. Calling for the removal of UK nuclear weapons from its territory and becoming a non-nuclear state is not a priori inconsistent with membership in NATO. Reminder: 20 member countries out of the current 28 do not possess and/or host any nuclear weapons on their soil.

The dynamic of relations between the United Kingdom and the European Union cannot be understood in its totality and in its specificity without taking into account the role played by the United States, particularly through the relationship that London would like to believe "special." Be it directly, indirectly, or even sometimes paradoxically, the American/Atlanticist tropism of the British political and media establishment is at the root of many of their positions considered as skeptical or downright hostile vis-à-vis the European integration.

The special position of the UK in the European and transatlantic security field will be one of the key defining elements both for the attitude of other States vis-a-vis a possible Scottish independence (would or would not they prefer to see London weakened even if just temporarily), and for their appreciation of the policies pursued by an independent Scotland (would they be in line with, or different from, those of Whitehall). Looking at the possibility of Scottish independence from a transatlantic-European security perspective implies examining three different albeit closely related subjects:

How can we reconcile two fundamentally different logics: that of the armaments sector with all the strategic imperatives linked to it, and that of the European construction which oscillates between a quasi-political entity and a mere large market? Intervention at the European Trade Union Symposium of the FNTE (National Federation of the Workers of the State) of the CGT.

As for the systematically hidden choice between European dependence or independence, in the texts, everything seems crystal clear. When the ESDP (European Security and Defense Policy) was launched in June 1999 in Cologne, the Declaration of the Fifteen immediately stipulated the need for autonomy and credibility of the Union's means and assets. This is in line with the objectives set out in Article 11 of the Treaty on European Union, in particular the "safeguarding of the common values, fundamental interests, independence and integrity" of the EU. However, not only are we still waiting to see when these beautiful words will be translated into deeds, but the very question of whether they should be one day remains an object of debate.

International Congress of the Association of European Journalists, on The renaissance of Europe and the Media. Panel discussion and presentation on the European idea and sovereignty.

The European Security ESDI-CESDP Study Group (ESSG) has held his second 2002 meeting in Bern, Switzerland on April 21-23, 2002, as scheduled, on the invitation of the Swiss Department of Foreign Affairs. The meeting focused on "The Impact of the "Global War On Terrorism" ("GWOT") on European Security"

30 June - 2 July 2001Venue: Department of Peace Studies, University of Bradford, UK

Organised jointly by the University of Bradford (UK) and the Norwegian Institute of International Affairs (Norway)

This was the first workshop of the EDSP Democracy Project. Organised jointly by the University of Bradford (UK) and the Norwegian Institute of International Affairs (Norway). It aimed to examine the theoretical and methodological underpinnings for the EDSP Project, and to examine issues and challenges relating to the 'accountability gap' in three thematic areas